Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Thailand’s embattled Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha blamed anti-government protesters for some of the country’s economic malaise on Monday, noting that in order for the...
When new Royal Thai Army chief General Narongpan Jittkaewtae took his post on Oct. 1, he and military commander-in-chief General Chalermpol Srisawat made a...
Angry student protesters marching in the streets of Bangkok and whispers of discontent among Thailand’s ruling elite, have rattled Prayuth Chan-o-cha, Thai Prime Minister...
Last Friday’s Constitutional Court verdict saw the dissolution of the second largest opposition party in Thailand, the Future Forward Party. The Thai Court dissolved...
A few days ago, Thailand’s Constitutional Court dissolved the opposition Future Forward Party on grounds it took an illegal loan from its leader, the...
After more than a year of discussion, the European Union decided to suspend Cambodia’s trade privileges under the “Everything But Arms” (EBA) scheme. The...
BRICS may not end dollar dominance, but it is accelerating a shift toward a more multipolar financial order where currencies, influence, and economic power are becoming increasingly contested.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
As Gulf tensions rise, Pakistan has quietly become the channel neither Washington nor Tehran can afford to lose. Islamabad’s diplomacy is no longer reactive; it is positioning itself at the center of crisis management.
The Epstein case is no longer just about one predator. It’s about whether Western institutions can investigate power honestly — or whether wealth, influence, and secrecy will always outrun accountability.
The U.S.-China rivalry is no longer defined by tariffs alone. AI chips, export controls, rare earths, and strategic supply chains have become the real battlegrounds of global power in the emerging economic order.
