Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
As Thailand’s 2019 election approaches, some in the country have begun to call for foreign observation of the country’s polls, scheduled for February 24....
Cambodia’s Foreign Ministry has announced that it had offered to resume cooperation in an effort to search for remains of Americans killed during the...
In late July, Cambodia participated (sort of) in the General Election, without having the option to choose the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP),...
The international community has all but abandoned support for Cambodia’s national elections, scheduled for July 29. A string of events have outraged Western governments...
When the American strategic ‘pivot’ to Asia collapsed, China took the mantle of hegemonic leadership in Southeast Asia. The question of how to respond...
BRICS may not end dollar dominance, but it is accelerating a shift toward a more multipolar financial order where currencies, influence, and economic power are becoming increasingly contested.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
As Gulf tensions rise, Pakistan has quietly become the channel neither Washington nor Tehran can afford to lose. Islamabad’s diplomacy is no longer reactive; it is positioning itself at the center of crisis management.
The Epstein case is no longer just about one predator. It’s about whether Western institutions can investigate power honestly — or whether wealth, influence, and secrecy will always outrun accountability.
The U.S.-China rivalry is no longer defined by tariffs alone. AI chips, export controls, rare earths, and strategic supply chains have become the real battlegrounds of global power in the emerging economic order.
