Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Thailand’s Constitutional Court, in a 7-2 decision has stripped Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, the leader of the Future Forward Party (FFP) of his MP seat because...
Cambodia’s Sam Rainsy, the self-exiled opposition leader landed in Kuala Lumpur over the weekend, vowing to return home to lead an uprising against his...
Cambodia’s economic growth remains under threat, as the European Union (EU) begins the process of removing the country from the Everything-But-Arms (EBA) scheme, and...
Thailand's Parliament recently selected its next Prime Minister, but there was never any real doubt about who would emerge the winner: 2014 coup leader...
While the results of Thailand’s March 24 elections are somewhat undetermined, the advent of a new progressive pro-democracy voice has ruffled the feathers of...
In December, Thailand’s military junta lifted the ban on political activities in the country-- including as gatherings of over five people--ending some of the...
BRICS may not end dollar dominance, but it is accelerating a shift toward a more multipolar financial order where currencies, influence, and economic power are becoming increasingly contested.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
As Gulf tensions rise, Pakistan has quietly become the channel neither Washington nor Tehran can afford to lose. Islamabad’s diplomacy is no longer reactive; it is positioning itself at the center of crisis management.
The Epstein case is no longer just about one predator. It’s about whether Western institutions can investigate power honestly — or whether wealth, influence, and secrecy will always outrun accountability.
The U.S.-China rivalry is no longer defined by tariffs alone. AI chips, export controls, rare earths, and strategic supply chains have become the real battlegrounds of global power in the emerging economic order.
