Tridivesh Singh Maini is a New Delhi based analyst interested in Punjab-Punjab linkages as well as Partition Studies. Maini co-authored ‘Humanity Amidst Insanity: Hope During and After the Indo-Pak Partition’ (New Delhi: UBSPD, 2008) with Tahir Malik and Ali Farooq Malik. He can be reached at tridivesh80@hotmail.com.
Tridivesh Singh Maini is a New Delhi based analyst interested in Punjab-Punjab linkages as well as Partition Studies. Maini co-authored ‘Humanity Amidst Insanity: Hope During and After the Indo-Pak Partition’ (New Delhi: UBSPD, 2008) with Tahir Malik and Ali Farooq Malik. He can be reached at tridivesh80@hotmail.com.
QUAD Plus can reinforce a Free and Open Indo-Pacific by expanding intelligence, technology, and maritime cooperation, reducing dependence on China and strengthening regional resilience against coercion.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
Caught between oil, diaspora, and diplomacy, India faces mounting risks as Middle East tensions disrupt Hormuz flows. Can New Delhi still balance Iran, the US, and Gulf ties—or is strategic neutrality no longer viable?
The India-Oman FTA will boost trade, investment, and strategic cooperation—from Duqm Port to digital payments—deepening ties and unlocking new opportunities in the Gulf and beyond.
Israel’s Iron Dome showed the value of layered, integrated defense. South Korea must bridge its low-altitude gap or risk chaos in a North Korean barrage. Civilian protection is no longer optional—it’s deterrence.
Victor Cha says past talks are obsolete. But history shows Pyongyang has repeatedly agreed to denuclearize—if survival is assured. Ignoring this pattern risks missing the only path to real progress.
Time to rethink the Indo-Pacific: not just ships & rivalries, but rivers, monks, forests, and shared futures. A people-planet-peace lens makes it resilient—grounded in culture, ecology, and true regional ties.
North Korea’s nukes secure its regime, not threaten conquest. A serious package guaranteeing survival under Trump’s second term could open the door to denuclearization. It’s deterrence, not ambition, driving Pyongyang’s arsenal.
From Kananaskis to Abu Dhabi: As the G7 flounders, the Global South rises—China at its core. The GSEF in Abu Dhabi signals shifting power, norms, and a new centre of global gravity.
"I don’t want my children to carry the nuclear weapon on their backs their whole lives,” Kim told Pompeo. His words hint at a deal: if survival is secured, denuclearization may no longer be unthinkable.
Trump’s America First weakened U.S. global leadership. China expanded its influence through the BRI and education initiatives. But despite economic gains, it still struggles to improve its image and build real soft power.
India-China ties are improving, but border tensions, strategic rivalry, and Indo-Pacific competition require realistic expectations. Cooperation can grow, yet enduring differences will continue shaping the relationship.
QUAD Plus can reinforce a Free and Open Indo-Pacific by expanding intelligence, technology, and maritime cooperation, reducing dependence on China and strengthening regional resilience against coercion.
Canada's submarine choice highlights a key lesson: modern arms sales depend not only on capability and price, but also on alliances, strategic trust, and long-term security partnerships. South Korea must sell relationships, not just weapons.
Abiy Ahmed's political capital is shrinking as insecurity, inflation, elite fragmentation, and dependence on external patrons drive up the cost of power. Can Ethiopia's political marketplace sustain his rule much longer?
BRICS+ offers vast potential in trade, technology and local currency cooperation, but geopolitical rivalries and divergent strategic priorities will shape whether it emerges as a cohesive force or remains a loose coalition.
