Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Mark S. Cogan is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East.
Cambodia–Thailand tensions aren’t just about borders. They reflect domestic politics: an unstable but real Thai democracy versus Cambodia’s entrenched autocracy.
Myanmar’s December elections are a façade. AI-powered surveillance, facial recognition, and message monitoring have helped the junta crush dissent—locking in rule and offering a blueprint for digital authoritarianism.
Indonesia’s foreign policy is shifting: deeper BRICS engagement, de-dollarization moves, and balanced ties with the US and China signal Jakarta’s push for autonomy, diversification, and a stronger Global South voice.
The international community has all but abandoned support for Cambodia’s national elections, scheduled for July 29. A string of events have outraged Western governments...
The world witnessed a historic moment of peace and reconciliation between two Koreas on April 27, 2018. The Korean Peninsula turned upside down after...
When the American strategic ‘pivot’ to Asia collapsed, China took the mantle of hegemonic leadership in Southeast Asia. The question of how to respond...
As China continues to expand its military presence in disputed areas of the South China Sea, Vietnam has sought to balance Beijing’s activities through...
China has profoundly influenced the geostrategic environment in Asia and the Pacific. Myanmar retains a crucial position in emerging Chinese regional order. The direction...
BRICS+ offers vast potential in trade, technology and local currency cooperation, but geopolitical rivalries and divergent strategic priorities will shape whether it emerges as a cohesive force or remains a loose coalition.
BRICS may not end dollar dominance, but it is accelerating a shift toward a more multipolar financial order where currencies, influence, and economic power are becoming increasingly contested.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
As Gulf tensions rise, Pakistan has quietly become the channel neither Washington nor Tehran can afford to lose. Islamabad’s diplomacy is no longer reactive; it is positioning itself at the center of crisis management.
The Epstein case is no longer just about one predator. It’s about whether Western institutions can investigate power honestly — or whether wealth, influence, and secrecy will always outrun accountability.
