Dr. Saud Al-Sharafat, is a former Brig. Gen in the Jordanian General Intelligence Director(GID) and founder and Chairman of Shorufat ِCenter for Globalization and Terrorism studies, Amman – Jordan. His writings mainly focus on issues pertinent to globalization and international terrorism.
Dr. Saud Al-Sharafat, is a former Brig. Gen in the Jordanian General Intelligence Director(GID) and founder and Chairman of Shorufat ِCenter for Globalization and Terrorism studies, Amman – Jordan. His writings mainly focus on issues pertinent to globalization and international terrorism.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
As Gulf tensions rise, Pakistan has quietly become the channel neither Washington nor Tehran can afford to lose. Islamabad’s diplomacy is no longer reactive; it is positioning itself at the center of crisis management.
The Epstein case is no longer just about one predator. It’s about whether Western institutions can investigate power honestly — or whether wealth, influence, and secrecy will always outrun accountability.
An index is a quantitative, statistical measurement tool by which observed events, trends, and natural and human phenomena are converted to units and numbers....
The India-China-US strategic triangle is going to be the most important defining factor in the geopolitical history of the twenty-first century. The United States...
The sweeping victory of Viktor Orbán’s increasingly nativist and authoritarian Fidesz in the recent Hungarian elections has sparked both international outcry and a renewed...
BRICS+ offers vast potential in trade, technology and local currency cooperation, but geopolitical rivalries and divergent strategic priorities will shape whether it emerges as a cohesive force or remains a loose coalition.
BRICS may not end dollar dominance, but it is accelerating a shift toward a more multipolar financial order where currencies, influence, and economic power are becoming increasingly contested.
Japan and South Korea can no longer afford fragmented security policies. In a Taiwan-Korea dual contingency, coordination is no longer strategic preference, but the foundation of deterrence and regional stability.
As Gulf tensions rise, Pakistan has quietly become the channel neither Washington nor Tehran can afford to lose. Islamabad’s diplomacy is no longer reactive; it is positioning itself at the center of crisis management.
The Epstein case is no longer just about one predator. It’s about whether Western institutions can investigate power honestly — or whether wealth, influence, and secrecy will always outrun accountability.
